The deceased US VP Dick Cheney, who died at age 84, was seen as among the most significant incumbents of the vice-presidency in American history. Although numerous second-in-commands were confined to marginal or figurehead functions, Cheney wielded enormous sway during the term of George W Bush, so much so that he was often called as the "actual president".
Bush disliked such a characterisation and said the dynamic was more complex. He pointed out that Cheney was deferential, consistently addressing him in public settings as Mr President, while he addressed him as Dick. Bush disputed even characterisations of their partnership as a collaboration because it indicated that they were equals. In spite of these denials, Cheney found the easygoing president pliable on a broad range of administrative determinations.
The Aftermath of 9/11
In charge of a group of conservative hawks that encompassed Pentagon chief Donald Rumsfeld and Pentagon second-in-command Paul Wolfowitz, he strongly advocated the invasion of Iraq in 2003 in response to the terrorist strikes on New York and Washington. When of the 9/11 assault, Bush had been taking part in a meeting at a educational institution in Florida. Whereas Bush traveled to a secure location in Nebraska, Cheney took command, directing the downing of any non-communicating planes nearing the Capitol building.
Cheney claimed the assaults altered his perspective, leading him to become intent on retribution. Together with other conservative figures, including Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he advocated for a takeover of Afghanistan in an endeavor to seize Osama bin Laden. Cheney then pressed fiercely for the armed intervention of Iraq, though there was insufficient indication of Saddam Hussein being involved.
Disputed Decisions
He expressed no regrets about the invasion, in which an estimated 100,000 Iraqis died, or about the waterboarding of individuals captured after 9/11. He informed CNN in 2015 that the Iraq invasion effort, which was predicated on faulty information circulated by Cheney, was the right decision. "It represented the proper decision to do at that time. I had faith then and I believe it now."
Yet during that period, there were dissenting voices at a senior level about the botched execution of Iraq. One of the White House's own special envoys to the Middle East, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was not reappointed from the position. "I saw, at a minimum," he subsequently stated "obvious failure, carelessness, and recklessness: in the worst case, deception, unfitness, and graft."
Broader Context
Cheney was not completely responsible for the Iraq military action. Even before 9/11, Wolfowitz had pushed for comparable steps. He had written a memorandum outlining situations in which US concerns might be threatened (encompassing "access to vital raw materials, primarily Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had argued that "the US should be postured to operate alone when collective action cannot be arranged," explicitly referencing armed actions against Iraq.
Bush too had assumed the Oval Office somewhat determined on implementing what his predecessor had specifically avoided to do in 1991; overthrow Saddam. After he had been dismissed by the administration, the finance chief Paul O'Neill disclosed how, at the opening session of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had stated his plan of diminishing America's involvement in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and suggested armed intervention against Iraq.
Bush bore a private grievance against Saddam, thinking he had been behind a conspiracy to murder his parent, President George HW Bush, on a journey to Kuwait in 1993. He furthermore resented that one of the biggest establishments in Baghdad had a surface artwork with a portrait of his father's visage that each person had to tread upon.
Questioning Techniques
Yet it was Cheney who was part of the most outspoken supporting attacking Iraq, frequently referencing agency briefings that were either weak or completely inaccurate. He endorsed what the Bush government indirectly described as "advanced techniques", the application of interrogation method and harsh treatment.
Responding to a Senate document in 2014 that found that no actionable intelligence had resulted from the harsh techniques, Cheney disregarded the report as "riddled with crap". He stated to Fox News: "We instructed [the CIA] to implement measures and put in place procedures to catch the individuals who took the lives of 3,000 of us on 9/11 and ensure it would not recur. That was specifically what they did and they earn a lot of praise."
Public Image
Cheney enjoyed monikers given to him by detractors such as the Star Wars villain and the dark figure, and by the concept that he was a sinister influence directing Bush. In Peter Baker's 2013 book about the two, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is cited as commenting: "Am I the evil genius in the shadows that nobody ever sees leave his hole? That is a nice way to function, in fact."
Corporate Connections
Dispute over his corporate affiliations pursued him through his period as second-in-command. Even though he had little experience in corporate affairs but strong connections in military, particularly in Saudi Arabia, he was offered a position at Halliburton, one of the world's biggest oil and gas companies, in 1995 as chairman and top executive.
In 2000 he assumed the role of Bush's election partner for the presidency. Controversially, during the Iraq war, Halliburton was granted US contracts totaling billions.
It significantly boosted his finances. His annual income during his time at the company increased from his $258,394 while defence secretary to millions. When he departed in 2000 he had a package totaling in excess of $20m|twenty
